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He Freed 83 Murderers — Now He Wants the Senate

The case raises questions about executive clemency, public safety, and the extent to which a governor’s criminal justice decisions should influence a Senate campaign.

Republicans, including President Donald Trump, have also challenged Cooper over a separate pandemic-era prisoner release program, citing figures that warrant careful examination.

A Brutal 1992 Murder Returns to the Political Spotlight

Martha Edwards was inside her Gastonia home on March 13, 1992, when Christopher Roseboro broke into the apartment.

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The 72-year-old lived with her husband in a modest one-bedroom residence.

According to the case account, Roseboro sexually assaulted Edwards, killed her by smothering her, and stole property from the home.

When investigators arrived, they discovered Edwards lying in bed wearing her nightgown. Her appearance initially concealed the violence she had suffered.

A subsequent examination revealed significant injuries, including bruises, a dislocated shoulder, and evidence of suffocation.

During court proceedings, Roseboro claimed the sexual assault occurred after Edwards had died.

In 1994, a jury convicted him of first-degree murder, burglary, rape, larceny, and possession of stolen property.

He received a death sentence.

Following an appeal, another jury imposed the death penalty in 1997.

For decades, Roseboro remained on North Carolina’s death row as his case moved through the criminal justice system.

Then, in December 2024, Cooper intervened.

Cooper’s Final-Day Decision Changed 15 Death Sentences

On December 31, 2024, Cooper announced that 15 condemned prisoners would instead serve life sentences without the possibility of parole.

Roseboro was among them.

The action represented the largest grant of death-row clemency in North Carolina’s modern history.

However, the distinction is important: Cooper did not release Roseboro from prison. The commutation eliminated his death sentence but required him to remain incarcerated for life.

North Carolina’s Department of Adult Correction confirms that Roseboro’s sentence was changed on December 31, 2024.

Cooper defended the decisions as the result of extensive consideration of legal records, clemency petitions, and input from prosecutors and victims’ relatives.

“These reviews are among the most difficult decisions a Governor can make and the death penalty is the most severe sentence that the state can impose,” Cooper said.

“After thorough review, reflection, and prayer, I concluded that the death sentence imposed on these 15 people should be commuted, while ensuring they will spend the rest of their lives in prison.”

His administration also considered questions surrounding defendants’ legal representation, mental capacity, appellate proceedings, and the circumstances of their original trials.

The announcement drew praise from opponents of capital punishment, including civil liberties advocates who have long argued that North Carolina’s death penalty system suffers from racial disparities and procedural problems.

North Carolina has not carried out an execution since 2006, although capital punishment remains legal in the state.

Trump Escalates the Fight Over Cooper’s Criminal Justice Record

The controversy surrounding Cooper extends beyond his death-row commutations.

President Donald Trump has attacked the former governor over a separate program that resulted in thousands of incarcerated individuals leaving North Carolina prisons during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Trump has accused Cooper of allowing dangerous criminals to return to communities, including people who subsequently committed violent offenses.

In remarks reproduced in the original account, Trump declared:

“Former Governor Roy Cooper, of North Carolina, let out 83 murderers, 51 were serving life sentences, and 25 immediately committed murders after being let out of penitentiaries across the State,” he said. “They were released by him because he didn’t want them to catch COVID while in prison.”

“There has never been a Governor with such a bad record on Crime, and there never will be,” he added.

Those allegations have become part of the broader Republican criticism of Cooper’s approach to criminal justice.

However, Trump’s specific claims about the 83 convicted murderers and 25 subsequent killings have not been substantiated by the available evidence. Reporting has challenged his characterization of Cooper’s personal responsibility for prisoner releases.

FactCheck.org also identified a separate Republican campaign advertisement that misleadingly connected Cooper to a murder suspect whose previous incarceration and release occurred in South Carolina, not North Carolina.

The pandemic-related releases and Cooper’s December 2024 death-row commutations were separate actions involving different legal processes.

A Familiar Debate Over Crime and Political Accountability

The attacks on Cooper recall a notorious episode from the 1988 presidential election.

That year, Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis faced intense criticism over a prison furlough program that allowed convicted murderer Willie Horton to leave prison temporarily.

Horton subsequently committed additional violent crimes, and the case became a major issue during Dukakis’ unsuccessful presidential campaign.

The comparison has resurfaced as Republicans seek to scrutinize Cooper’s record as governor.

But there is a significant difference between the cases.

Horton was temporarily released from custody under a furlough program. Roseboro, by contrast, remains sentenced to life imprisonment without parole.

The distinction does not eliminate the policy debate over whether Cooper should have granted clemency. It does establish what the decision actually accomplished.

Supporters of capital punishment can question the appropriateness of replacing a jury’s death sentence with life imprisonment.

Opponents can point to the governor’s constitutional clemency authority and the legal concerns that motivated the reviews.

Both positions address a consequential decision without suggesting that Roseboro was returned to the streets.

Michael Whatley Makes Public Safety an Election Issue

Cooper’s Republican opponent, former Republican National Committee Chairman Michael Whatley, is campaigning with Trump’s endorsement.

The contest has become one of the closely watched Senate races of the 2026 midterm elections, with Republicans defending their congressional majority and Democrats seeking additional seats.

Cooper has emphasized his experience as North Carolina attorney general and governor, including his criminal prosecution record and work on Medicaid expansion.

Whatley’s campaign and Republican allies have focused criticism on Cooper’s public safety record and his decisions involving criminal offenders.

The competing messages reflect different interpretations of Cooper’s years in public office.

Recent Reuters reporting has also highlighted Cooper’s focus on affordability, healthcare, and bipartisan accomplishments as central elements of his campaign.

North Carolina Voters Face a November Decision

The renewed attention to Martha Edwards’ murder underscores how individual criminal cases can become part of much larger political arguments.

For those examining Cooper’s record, the December 2024 clemency decision is a documented exercise of executive authority involving an individual convicted of an exceptionally violent crime.

For those defending the former governor, the same decision reflects a distinction between imposing the death penalty and ensuring a convicted murderer spends the remainder of his life behind bars.

North Carolina’s early voting period began October 15 and continues through October 31. Election Day is November 3.

As the Senate campaign enters its final weeks, the Roseboro case presents a concrete issue for public examination: how governors should exercise clemency in cases involving serious violence, and how those decisions should be represented in political campaigns.

The underlying facts are consequential enough without confusing a death-sentence commutation with a prison release.

For Martha Edwards, the crime ended her life in 1992. More than three decades later, the legal and political questions surrounding her killer’s punishment remain part of North Carolina’s public debate.

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