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Petraeus explained that eliminating those defenses was the first and most critical objective. Without functioning air defense systems, Iran’s ability to challenge coalition aircraft drops dramatically, allowing the United States and its allies to operate more freely inside Iranian airspace.
“First and foremost, of course, they went after the air and ballistic missile defenses, took those down — whatever had been reconstituted after the Israelis took them apart in the early days of the 12-day air campaign,” Petraeus explained. “That’s crucial because we don’t want to be restricted to just the F-35 stealth fighter bombers and the B-2 stealth bombers. We want to bring in the big ones, the B-52s, the B-1 bombers.”
That shift could represent a major escalation in the scope of the conflict. Stealth aircraft such as the F-35 and B-2 are typically used during the earliest phase of an air war to destroy enemy radar and missile systems. Once those threats are eliminated, larger non-stealth bombers can operate more safely while delivering massive payloads against hardened targets.
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Petraeus suggested that the battlefield conditions now appear to allow exactly that transition.
“I would argue that we have actually achieved air supremacy, not just air superiority,” he said, noting that military officials are often cautious about declaring such milestones publicly.
The difference between those two terms is significant in military strategy. Air superiority means a force has the advantage in the sky but may still face occasional resistance. Air supremacy, on the other hand, indicates near-total control of the airspace, where opposing forces are essentially unable to challenge aircraft operations.
If Petraeus’ assessment is correct, it would signal a major strategic breakthrough for the U.S.-Israeli coalition.
The conflict itself erupted after a coordinated series of strikes launched on February 28 targeting Iran’s nuclear program and key military infrastructure. The opening attacks reportedly killed Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei along with several high-ranking commanders, leaving the regime scrambling to reorganize its leadership.
Since then, Israeli aircraft have reportedly carried out hundreds of additional strikes across Iran. Military facilities, missile depots, command centers, and underground installations have all been targeted as part of the campaign to degrade Iran’s military capabilities.
One particularly significant strike reportedly destroyed a fortified bunker believed to house senior Iranian leadership figures in Tehran, further deepening the chaos inside the regime’s command structure.
Iran has attempted to retaliate with missile and drone attacks against U.S. bases and allied infrastructure across the Middle East. Iranian-backed militias operating in Iraq and Hezbollah forces in Lebanon have also launched attacks, raising fears that the war could expand into a broader regional conflict.
However, Petraeus warned that Iran may have made a critical strategic mistake by broadening its list of targets.
Rather than focusing solely on military facilities belonging to the United States or Israel, Iranian forces have reportedly struck infrastructure in several Gulf nations, including airports, hotels, fuel depots, and energy facilities.
Those countries initially tried to remain neutral and avoid direct involvement in the war. Some even restricted the use of their territory for coalition operations.
But Petraeus said those attacks could change the political dynamics quickly.
“They were trying to sit on the sidelines,” he explained. “Now they’re being drawn into it.”
As the conflict moves deeper into its second week, the United States continues expanding its air operations while President Donald Trump has demanded that Iran agree to what he called “unconditional surrender.”
With coalition aircraft now dominating the skies and Iran’s defensive systems reportedly in ruins, military analysts say the next phase of the campaign could determine whether the conflict remains contained or evolves into a much larger regional war.
